lundi 22 avril 2019

Bad news for the EU

http://www.rexecode.fr/public/Analyses-et-previsions/Documents-de-travail/Depenses-publiques-d-ou-vient-l-ecart-entre-la-France-et-l-Allemagne-comment-le-reduire

Parabole des talents M25

1 אז תדמה מלכות השמים לעשר עלמות אשר לקחו את נרותיהן ותצאנה לקראת החתן׃ 
2 חמש מהן היו חכמות וחמש כסילות׃ 
3 הכסילות לקחו את הנרות ולא לקחו עמהן שמן׃ 
4 והחכמות לקחו שמן בכליהן ואת נרותיהן׃ 
5 וכאשר בשש החתן לבוא ותנמנה כלן ותרדמנה׃ 
6 ויהי בחצות הלילה ותהי צוחה הנה החתן צאינה לקראתו׃ 
7 אז התעוררו כל העלמות ההן ותיטבנה את נרותיהן׃ 
8 ותאמרנה הכסילות אל החכמות תנה לנו משמנכן כי יכבו נרותינו׃ 
9 ותענינה החכמות לאמר לא כן פן יחסר לנו ולכן כי אם לכנה אל המוכרים וקנינה לכן׃ 
10 ויהי בעת לכתן לקנות ויבוא החתן והנכנות ללכת באו אתו אל החתנה ותסגר הדלת׃ 
11 ואחרי כן באו גם שאר העלמות ותאמרנה אדנינו אדנינו פתח לנו׃ 
12 ויען ויאמר אמן אמר אני לכן לא ידעתי אתכן׃ 
13 לכן שקדו כי אינכם יודעים את היום ואת השעה אשר יבא בה בן האדם׃ 
14 כי כמו איש נסע למרחוק אשר קרא אל עבדיו וימסר להם את רכושו׃ 
15 ויתן לזה חמש ככרים ולזה שתים ולזה אחת לכל איש ואיש כפי ערכו וימהר ויסע משם׃ 
16 וילך האיש הלקח חמש ככרים ויסחר בהן ויעש לו חמש ככרים אחרות׃ 
17 וכן הלקח שתים גם הוא הרויח שתים אחרות׃ 
18 אך לקח האחת הלך ויחפר באדמה ויטמן את כסף אדניו׃ 
19 ואחרי ימים רבים בא אדוני העבדים ההם ויעש חשבון עמהם׃ 
20 ויגש הלקח חמש הככרים ויבא חמש ככרים אחרות לאמר אדני חמש ככרים מסרת לי הנה חמש ככרים אחרות הרוחתי בהן׃ 
21 ויאמר אליו אדניו כן העבד הטוב והנאמן כי במעט נאמן היית ועל הרבה אפקידך בוא אל שמחת אדניך׃ 
22 ויגש גם לקח הככרים ויאמר אדני ככרים מסרת לי הנה ככרים הרוחתי בהן׃ 
23 ויאמר אליו אדניו היטבת העבד הטוב והנאמן במזער נאמן היית ועל הרבה אפקידך בוא אל שמחת אדניך׃ 
24 ויגש גם הלקח את הככר האחת ויאמר אדני ידעתיך כי איש קשה אתה קצר באשר לא זרעת וכנס מאשר לא פזרת׃ 
25 ואירא ואלך ואטמן את ככרך באדמה ועתה הא לך את אשר לך׃ 
26 ויען אדניו ויאמר אליו העבד הרע והעצל אתה ידעת כי קצר אנכי באשר לא זרעתי וכנס מאשר לא פזרתי׃ 
27 לכן היה עליך לתת את כספי לשלחנים ואני בבואי הייתי לקח את אשר לי בתרבית׃ 
28 על כן שאו ממנו את הככר ותנו אל האיש אשר לו עשר הככרים׃ 
29 כי כל איש אשר יש לו ינתן לו ויעדיף והאיש אשר אין לו גם את אשר לו יקח ממנו׃ 
30 ואת עבד הבליעל השליכו אל החשך החיצון שם תהיה היללה וחרק השנים׃ 
31 והיה כי יבוא בן האדם בכבודו וכל המלאכים הקדשים עמו וישב על כסא כבודו׃ 
32 ונאספו לפניו כל הגוים והפריד בינותם כאשר יפריד הרעה את הכבשים מן העתודים׃ 
33 והציב את הכבשים לימינו ואת העתודים לשמאלו׃ 
34 אז יאמר המלך אל הנצבים לימינו באו ברוכי אבי ורשו את המלכות המוכנה לכם למן הוסד העולם׃ 
35 כי רעב הייתי ותאכילני צמא הייתי ותשקוני גר הייתי ותאספוני׃ 
36 ערום ותכסוני חולה ותבקרוני במשמר הייתי ותבאו אלי׃ 
37 וענו הצדיקים ואמרו אדנינו מתי ראינוך רעב ונכלכלך או צמא ונשקה אותך׃ 
38 ומתי ראינוך גר ונאספך או ערם ונכסך׃ 
39 ומתי ראינוך חולה או במשמר ונבא אליך׃ 
40 והמלך יענה ויאמר אליהם אמן אמר אני לכם מה שעשיתם לאחד מאחי הצעירים האלה לי עשיתם׃ 
41 ואז יאמר גם אל הנצבים לשמאלו לכו מעלי אתם הארורים אל אש עולם המוכנה לשטן ולמלאכיו׃ 
42 כי רעב הייתי ולא האכלתם אותי צמא הייתי ולא השקיתם אותי׃ 
43 גר הייתי ולא אספתם אותי ערום ולא כסיתם אותי חולה ובמשמר ולא בקרתם אותי׃ 
44 וענו גם הם ואמרו אדנינו מתי ראינוך רעב או צמא או גר או ערום או חולה או במשמר ולא שרתנוך׃ 
45 אז יענה אתם לאמר אמן אמר אני לכם מה שלא עשיתם לאחד מן הצעירים האלה גם לי לא עשיתם׃ 
46 וילכו אלה למעצבת עולם והצדיקים לחיי עולם׃

Open data in healthcare systems and in clinical trials

Partial publication of clinical trials, selected by the
sponsor to favour the tested product, is unacceptable
because it distorts the scientific evidence and resulting
medical care, harming public health. Within the past decade, some important initiatives have been introduced to address clinical trial transparency, including legislative and medical journal requirements for prospective clinical trial registration, and importantly, a shift within the EU to require at least partial public disclosure of clinical study reports for newly approved medicines. Public interest groups, healthcare professionals, researchers, health agencies and legislators all strongly advocated for these changes. The problem,
however, is not yet solved. Clinical trial registry
requirements are imperfectly enforced. Study results
often remaining unpublished, and many medicines
in common use escape registration requirements
because they were approved before these rules were introduced. The question of commercial confidentiality and the alleged difficulty of deidentifying patient-level data can block important progress. Despite these limitations, enormous advances have been made in the recognition of clinical trial data as a public good and in real and important changes to data access. We must now consolidate these advances and take them a step further for greater data transparency.



La publication partielle d'essais cliniques, sélectionnés par le
sponsor afin de favoriser le produit testé, est inacceptable
car elle fausse les preuves scientifiques et résultant
soins médicaux, nuisant à la santé publique. Au cours de la dernière décennie, d'importantes initiatives ont été lancées pour améliorer la transparence des essais cliniques, notamment les obligations légales et légales des journaux médicaux pour l'enregistrement des essais cliniques prospectifs, ainsi qu'un changement au sein de l'UE exigeant la publication au moins partielle des rapports d'études cliniques pour les nouveaux patients. médicaments approuvés. Les groupes d’intérêt public, les professionnels de la santé, les chercheurs, les agences de santé et les législateurs ont tous fortement plaidé en faveur de ces changements. Le problème,
Cependant, n'est pas encore résolu. Registre d'essais cliniques les exigences sont imparfaitement appliquées. Résultats de l'étude restant souvent non publié, et de nombreux médicaments
utilisation commune exigences d'enregistrement d'échappement
parce qu’ils ont été approuvés avant l’introduction de ces règles. La question de la confidentialité commerciale et la prétendue difficulté de désidentifier les données au niveau du patient peuvent bloquer des progrès importants. Malgré ces limitations, des progrès énormes ont été réalisés dans la reconnaissance des données des essais cliniques en tant que bien public et dans des changements réels et importants en matière d'accès aux données. Nous devons maintenant consolider ces avancées et les faire progresser pour une plus grande transparence des données.

How to find an image free of rights

https://www.blueharvest.net/top-21-meilleures-banques-images-gratuites-libres-droits/

How to help authors to write a scientific paper

https://authorservices.bmj.com/?int_source=tbmj&int_medium=popup&int_campaign=bmjas

American inequality reflects gross incomes as much as taxes

American inequality reflects gross incomes as much as taxes

How taxes and transfers affect the distribution of income
When people think about which rich countries have the least equal income distributions, America often jumps to mind. The country has a much smaller welfare state than many of its European counterparts, which suggests it does not redistribute much. But does it?
One common measure of income inequality is the Gini coefficient. The index ranges from zero to 100. A score of zero implies that income is shared equally; 100 implies that one person scoops the lot. By comparing a country’s Gini coefficient before and after taxes and transfers, a rough gauge can be created of how progressive (or regressive) its tax and benefit system is.
By this measure at least, America’s tax system is in fact fairly progressive. It does roughly as much to reduce inequality as does Canada’s or Sweden’s (even though most European systems do more). What distinguishes America from those two countries is that its pre-tax Gini coefficient is high, so that the government has to put in more work to level the playing field. In contrast, countries with low pre-tax inequality, such as South Korea, manage to achieve low post-tax inequality without doing much by way of redistribution.
The difference in countries’ Gini coefficients after taxes and transfers correlates strongly with the economic weight of government. In France government spending accounts for 57% of gdp. America’s federal, state and local authorities spend just 35%. Although pre-tax inequality is almost as high in France as in America, the two countries look very different after taxes.
Nordic countries are generally thought to be champion redistributors. But within the oecd, a club of mostly rich countries, Ireland does most to slash inequality. After taxes and transfers, Ireland’s income distribution goes from the most skewed in our chart to the middle of the pack. The rich pay a higher share of income tax than in most other countries, while low-earning households receive generous tax credits.
Most countries would struggle to copy the Irish system in full. Part of the reason Ireland is able to do so much redistribution is that it relies more than most on taxes paid by multinational companies. Foreign-owned firms accounted for 80% of corporate tax in 2017. Cross-country data suggest that if America wanted to bring its level of inequality down to the oecd average, it would have to boost government spending to 50% of gdp. That would require increases in taxes across the board—a highly unlikely prospect.
Sources: IMF; OECD; Central Statistics Office Ireland
This article appeared in the Graphic detail section of the print edition under the headline "Net benefits"

dimanche 21 avril 2019

Scorched but standing — two symbols of the West


Niall Ferguson in The Times
April 21 2019, 12:01am,
Like Notre Dame, the US constitution has survived a grave test
‘Absolutely heartbreaking. A magnificent monument to western civilisation collapsing.” Thus wrote the mercurial young conservative Ben Shapiro last Monday before it was clear that Notre Dame, although burning, was not wholly collapsing. The great Parisian cathedral was, he added, “a central monument to western civilisation, which was built on the Judaeo-Christian heritage”.
There was a time when such an observation would have been open to criticism only for its lack of originality. After all, Kenneth Clark began his hugely influential television series Civilisation against the backdrop of Notre Dame — “not perhaps the most lovable of cathedrals, but the most rigorously intellectual facade in the whole of gothic art”.
Fifty years ago you could say (as Clark did) that the Graeco-Roman statue known to us as the Apollo of the Belvedere “embodies a higher state of civilisation” than an African mask because it expressed “an ideal of perfection — reason, justice, physical beauty, all of them in equilibrium”.
But this is 2019, not 1969, so Shapiro was swiftly denounced. According to an article in The Washington Post, he had “evoked the spectre of a war between Islam and the West that is already part of numerous far-right narratives”, including the manifesto of Brenton Tarrant, the man accused of the mass shooting in Christchurch.
Shapiro is often misrepresented this way. Even The Economist quite wrongly described him as an “alt-right sage” in a profile last month, later correcting that to “radical conservative”. True, for four years he worked as editor-at-large for the Breitbart News website, but he left Breitbart early in the 2016 presidential campaign. Far from being alt-right, he became the target of anti-semitic abuse from precisely that quarter for repeatedly criticising Donald Trump (Shapiro is an Orthodox Jew).
The argument of his book The Right Side of History is not in the least bit “alt”.
“Freedom,” he contends, “is built upon the twin notions that God created every human in His image and that human beings are capable of investigating and exploring God’s world. Those notions were born in Jerusalem and Athens, respectively. [They] built science . . . built human rights. They built prosperity, peace and artistic beauty.” Not much there that Clark would have disagreed with.
What is remarkable about Shapiro is, first, the popularity of these quite old-right views (the book is a bestseller, and his online following is huge) and, second, the hatred with which he is regarded on the left. No campus speaker attracts audiences, protesters and security quite like Shapiro.
The tendency for the “progressive” left to equate western civilisation with white supremacy is not new. From the 1930s until the 1960s, Stanford, where I am based, had a course called Western Civilisation (renamed Western Culture in 1980). Undergraduates were expected to read the canon, including Homer, Plato, the Bible and St Augustine.
However, in 1985 Stanford’s Black Student Union complained the course was “racist”. Similar complaints were made by Hispanic students and feminists. So Western Culture was replaced by Cultures, Ideas, Values, which required that professors also assign “works by women, minorities and persons of colour” and that undergraduates study “at least one of the non-European cultures”.
An attempt to revive western civilisation through a student ballot in 2016 was roundly defeated. In the words of one opponent of the idea: “Western values put millions in shackles in the first place. A brief and not-at-all encompassing list of historical examples includes genocide of indigenous populations, the transatlantic slave trade, Japanese internment camps, sex trafficking in the Vietnam and Korean wars.”
This kind of historically lopsided reasoning was not difficult to find in the week of the Notre Dame fire. There were the tweets that I hope came from Russian bots rather than genuine ignoramuses (“I don't feel bad about Notre Dame because it was built on the backs of slaves” was one gem).
There was Rolling Stone magazine’s bold suggestion that “any rebuilding should be a reflection not of an old France or the France that never was [sic] — a non-secular, white European France — but a reflection of the France of today”. And there was the Harvard professor Patricio del Real’s lunatic observation: “The building was so overburdened with meaning that its burning feels like an act of liberation.”
Most people who would call themselves liberal appeared upset that Notre Dame was ablaze and the majority seemed to favour its reconstruction rather than, say, its conversion into an interfaith safe space.
In a week marred by yet more disinvitations of conservative academics in America, I have been struggling to reconcile the left’s repudiation of western civilisation with the widespread grief over the damage to Notre Dame. The only conclusion I can reach is that people simply like such big, ornate buildings as backdrops for their holiday selfies and Instagram posts.
I take a slightly different view of western civilisation from Shapiro and Clark, as readers of my book Civilization: The West and the Rest may recall. For me, a civilisation is defined more by its institutions than the buildings where they are housed or indeed the faith or ideology that inspires them.
The other burning edifice in the news last week was the Trump presidency, which the president himself certainly thought had caught fire (“I’m f*****”) when Robert Mueller was appointed special counsel in May 2017. The redacted Mueller report was finally published on Thursday. It confirmed that the fire is under control and the Trump presidency remains largely intact.
No, Mueller did not “establish that members of the Trump campaign conspired or co-ordinated with the Russian government in its election interference activities”. (The Russians, by contrast, were guilty as hell.) Yes, Trump committed “multiple acts . . . capable of exerting undue influence over law enforcement investigations”, but his “efforts to influence the investigation were mostly unsuccessful . . . because the persons who surrounded the president declined to carry out orders or accede to his requests”.
It is all very disappointing for the many people who since 2016 have been claiming a) that Trump is plotting to overthrow the constitution and establish a tyranny, or b) that he is the reincarnation of Richard Nixon. But for those who believe that the strength of the United States lies in the rule of law rather than the personality of the president, it was a good week.
It is Easter Day, so let us give thanks that Notre Dame was saved. As the historian Tom Holland said last week, “The debt of the contemporary West to Christianity is more deeply rooted than many . . . might presume.” Let’s also give thanks for the very different ideals of the Enlightenment, which bequeathed to us that other great monument to western civilisation, the US constitution. May it endure as long as Notre Dame.
Niall Ferguson is the Milbank Family senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford 


"Let’s also give thanks for the very different ideals of the Enlightenment, which bequeathed to us that other great monument to western civilisation, the US constitution." I can't agree more with this assertion as the major weakness of our French society is its constitution.

Algérie, OAS

http://magoturf.over-blog.com/2019/04/il-y-a-58-ans-a-paques-1961-l-oas-naissait-officiellement-a-madrid.html?fbclid=IwAR1yTdZ7l4kvKmi-pOkivIogREsaqyywukaYuzFFEFu3ZP7dlUXRhtYYr6Q

Cyrulnik’s perceptions about creativity and orphanhood have only a small probability to be scientific facts

https://www.franceinter.fr/emissions/l-invite-d-ali-baddou/l-invite-d-ali-baddou-12-avril-2019?utm_medium=Social&utm_source=Facebook&fbclid=IwAR2gDZyb_5EcARfM3L0MXBUnvXUKDZBoyIOIXSrWCPbjn6TUtCkb1ofQoyw#Echobox=1555075990

We cannot find any evidence of that and even any paper on the subject from Cyrulnik. So instead of propagating confusing assumptions Cyrulnik should better do the math and write a paper which will be peer-reviewed.

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/23063328

In fact, this "intuition" is rather a clinical case of delusional psycho-analytic arrogance.

"C'est l'image de la mère qui les invite à la création."

Martin Eisenstadt
http://www.haynal.org/docs/Childhood%20Lost%20and%20Recovered.pdf


http://www.sirbey.com/fr/les-orphelins-menent-ils-le-monde/


https://www.placedeslibraires.fr/ebook/9782706281792-les-orphelins-menent-ils-le-monde-pierre-de-senarclens-andre-haynal-pierre-rentchnick/#

The most rational approach to this issue is to recognize that a lot of orphans do have problems with violence. The myth of resilience is over.
 
Paperblog